Saturday, January 25, 2014

Skies Blackened With Swallows- The Swallow's Inn Saloon, San Juan Capistrano


 This written script is pretty loose, so I highly suggest you download this episode by clicking on the red star to the right or from iTunes.  While in iTunes, don't forget to to give a review of the show.  However, this post is still worth taking a glance at because I posted plenty of pretty pictures and some useful links.  Enjoy!         


   I’m sitting on the back patio of the first bar I can remember ever being aware of.  I can still remember passing by this Swallow’s Inn Saloon, with its weathered brick façade, iron bars over the windows, Old West style batwing doors.  It’s the image of the doorway that really stayed with me because the darkness of it seemed to absorb the bright afternoon light.  Downtown San Juan Capistrano glistens in the sun, with red brick and wood and yellow adobe buildings, the result of careful preservation, so maintained people might catch a glimpse of the small and lackadaisical town that was at the forefront of the ambitious California Mission experiment.  But the shadowy door to this saloon… the darkness seemed to emit from the bar and felt intentional to me, as way of keeping kids like me from seeing what was inside, but it ceaselessly spilled out the raucous voices of men and guitar heavy rock and roll from some jukebox deep inside.   Unlike our friend, Jack London, I did not grow up going into bars.   My parents and their friends drank, but at eight years old, the idea of place where people gathered for the sole purpose of drinking alcohol seemed crazy and dangerous to me, as if every person in there must be absolutely hammered and the scene must be something similar to an insane asylum.  
It felt like there were only a handful of bars in South Orange County in the early 1980s and the only one anybody talked about was the Swallows.  Today Southern California is notorious for the continuous metropolis that solidly blankets the land between the Mexican border to the San Gabriel Mountains, north of Los Angeles, only punctured by the Marine Base, Camp Pendleton in north San Diego County.  But in the early 80s that blanket was more like a net, with spaces alternating between suburban towns with tract houses and shopping centers and then ranch land and citrus groves, sometimes even some wild spaces where native chaparral planets still dominated the landscape and hid coyotes and mountain lions. To be sure that net was tightening in those days, but I can remember hearing cows mooing on quite nights from a once grassy open field that has been a supermarket for near thirty years now.
Sitting here, at this bar that so mystified me as a kid, I’m getting nostalgic for what I would call a simpler time, if I did not know it only seemed so because it was seen through the eyes of a child.  This kind of nostalgia is aided by the fact I’m near the bottom of my second gin and tonic, and as soon as I finish I’m going to walk over to do the tour of Mission San Juan Capistrano.   Growing up only a few miles from here meant multiple elementary school fieldtrips to the Mission, where we were told of the Franciscan friars who were the first white residents of California.  Those tales largely painted a heroic picture of the missionaries, who were said to have lived in peace with the local Indians and prepared those people for modern world that would soon wash up with the waves of the Pacific.  But there were hints from our teachers and tour guides that the Franciscan story was perhaps more complex and ugly than they were ready to tell us.  After all, this was group of educators who came of age in the 1960s and 70s, in which various civil rights movements complicated how white Americans viewed history, forcing a recognition that nobody was served by ignoring the historical perspectives of subjugated minorities.   But what should they have told us, elementary school kids who were still naïve enough to envision bars as akin to mental institutions?  Should they have told us the Indians at the Mission were not allowed to leave, and were forced to work in slave like conditions?  Or how those people were whipped as punishment?  Of imprisoning natives until they converted to Christianity?  Lord knows, those types of salacious details would have seized our attention.  And all this would have been true, but only part.  That certainly would have cemented the idea in our little heads that the friars were purely villains and the natives were purely victims.  Which was not the truth, and I suggest at this mischaracterization of history would be more false and more damaging than the whitewashed story we were given.  Painting with a broad brush and labeling good guys and bad guys, oppressors and victims, removes the all motivations of real people and does nothing to explain why things happened as they did.  We do not teach history so that our children can judge the past, but so that they can better understand the world they live in today.  There is no such thing, nor as there ever been, as a simpler time.
Alight, this drink is dusted.  It’s time for me to see the Mission through adult eyes.  We’re at the Swallow’s Inn Saloon in San Juan Capistrano.  And this is the Bear Flag Libation.
Portola's Expedition

            On July 23, 1769, Gaspar de Portolá entered the valley they dubbed Santa Maria Magdalena, which would include part of today’s Capo Beach, Dana Point and San Juan Capistrano.  Portola’s party of about sixty-five men, including Father Juan Crespi, was only nine days into their march from San Diego to Monterey with the intent to explore and assess the roughly 450 mile long land route between those tiny outposts.  Spain had made claims to this part of the world since Juan Rodriguez Cabrillo discovered the San Diego Bay in 1542, but in two hundred years Spain made slow progress in actually moving into, or even checking out, this sliver of their massive New World empire.  For quite some time because of the length of the gulf between what is today mainland Mexico and the Baja California Peninsula, people assumed the whole of California was one long island.  In fact, the name California is thought to derive from a Spanish romance novel Las Sergas de Esplandián, which contains this passage, “Know that on the right hand from the Indies exists an island called California very close to a side of the Earthly Paradise; and it was populated by black women, without any man existing there, because they lived in the way of the Amazons. They had beautiful and robust bodies, and were brave and very strong. Their island was the strongest of the World, with its cliffs and rocky shores. Their weapons were golden and so were the harnesses of the wild beasts that they were accustomed to domesticate and ride, because there was no other metal in the island than gold.”  Now, records of Cabrillo’s voyage have long been lost to time, so we can’t be sure what was in his mind when giving the name, and we can’t even be sure it was Cabrillo who gave the name- obviously he did not meet the legendary queen, Califia, which modern scholars have deduced is likely to have been the Spanish word for a female Islamic leader, like a Caliph- so we don’t know if he actually believed he found this mythical land or if he simply thought the name applied.  At the time Cabrillo would have believed he was much closer to Asia than he actually was, but he was in a paradise-like land of coastal cliffs and rocky shores, at the left hand of Asia.  He would never know how apt the name was, with the richest gold deposits in the world waiting to be discovered beneath the California mountains, and how, it is a known fact, the most beautiful women in the world would forever grace these lands.  So, good residents of California, if you’ve ever wondered where the name of your home comes from, the best guess of scholars is that a Portuguese explorer believed he found an Islamic island of Amazon women from a Spanish romance novel.  But who knows?  The guy slipped on a rock a short time later, got gangrene and died, then somebody lost journal.  Such is life and history.[1]
            Before we get back to Portola’s Expedition, I feel I should point out that we’re about to cover some sixty plus years of history in about an hour.  There are entire courses that teach only the Spanish and Mexican eras in California and still only scratch the surface, so by no means am I meaning to give a comprehensive history of the Missions, or of San Juan Capistrano, or even the Swallow’s Inn for that matter.   This will be a crash course in some things I find interesting in all three and I encourage you to dig deeper on any points you find interesting.  The narrative will center around San Juan Capistrano, but California then, as it is now, carried remarkable diversity among its the native people.  It is thought that at the time the Missions were first being built that there was as many as 500 of different tribeletes and more than 100 separate language groups spread out across this incredibly large area.  Historian Kevin Starr asserts that nearly a third of the native people, who lived in the area that became the United States, lived in California, the number being somewhere around 300,000.[2]
Aside from their own cultural differences, each tribe responded to arrival of the Spanish differently and obviously the Europeans were not monolithic either.  Some were criminals serving their sentence with military duty, some were godly men on what they believed a holy mission, some of the former acted with honor and kindness, some of the latter lost their way and acted with cruelty.  Every encounter shaped future relations.  It always boggles my mind to contemplate that when two disparate cultures, that somebody might have had a cold or a hangover and suddenly a reputation for laziness or foul tempers gets applied to a whole group for decades.   Things like rigid dogma or warrior traditions cannot always be blamed for a culture clash.  One frightened young man who misinterprets a move to be hostile and acts with hasty violence can start a war of bloody reprisals.  One curious soul can avert war and make lasting friendships by simply walking up and saying, “Hi, I’m Bob.  Boy, that’s a shiny helmet you got there.  You guys want to come have some dinner?”  Such is life and history.
            With that said, when Gaspar de Portolá’s expedition came into what is today South Orange County they had contact with a number of villages and all of who came out to meet them were friendly.  Fray Juan Crispi described them thusly, “They came without arms, and with a friendliness unequaled; they made us presents of their poor seeds, and we made return with ribbons and gew-gaws. Nearly the whole day they remained with us, men, women and children; and these heathens listened with more attention to what we told them by signs, of God, of Jesus Christ, and of their salvation, and several times they devoutly venerated the Holy Christ and the cross of the crown.”  Considering there was not a single person present who could even remotely guess at the language of the others, I’m going to go out on a limb and say it’s unlikely they communicated all the portentous significance of Jewish carpenters who won’t stay dead.  If they had, the mere fact that all these bearded and armored strangers all wore symbols of the 1800-year-old torture and execution of their god and savior, might have been a tip off the new guys have some violent tendencies.  It’s likely Crispi saw what he hoped for, which was the Franciscan’s long-term goal of potential conversions.  Portola, ever the soldier, simply wrote of that meeting: “they made us a present of much grain and we made them a suitable return. We rested for one day.”[3]
            Europeans intermittently passed through this area for the next six years as six missions were built between San Diego and San Francisco.  In 1775, Father Junipero Serra, Father Presidente of the Franciscan order in California, planned on building a mission in San Buenaventura, in modern Ventura, north of Los Angeles, but plans were postponed due to hostile natives attacking the Spanish incursions on their land.  Instead, he authorized to build one near San Juan Creek, which he dubbed San Juan Capistrano, named after an Italian saint and Franciscan who led soldiers into the battle that lifted the Ottoman Siege of Belgrade in the fifteenth century.   Now, I’ve been throwing around the terms Franciscan and missions pretty liberally thus far, but who were these cats and why were they erecting walled churches out in the middle of the California wilderness?[4] 
Back in the episode zero I referred to the Spanish method of colonization as being something more complex than the occupation and repopulation of a new area; they didn’t just want new lands for Spain, they wanted new and loyal Spanish subjects.  But how do they go about taking these perfectly content native people of the wild Americas and turn them into fruitful Spaniards?  You can’t just show up in somewhere like Peru and say, “Okay, guys, you work for us now.  So if you’d kindly put down that spear your pointing at me, pick up this pickax, yeah, here ya go, and why don’t you just start mining that mountain here.  Here’s a guidebook on how to be Spanish, read it all by Tuesday and we’ll be back to take the fruits of all your labor back to a single man who you’ll never meet and who lives across the ocean.  Muchas gracias, amigo.”  No, there had to be incentives.  Obviously, the Spanish had a pretty sturdy stick in their military superiority, but the invasion into the interior of Mexico was a blood bath that nobody was eager to repeat.  What kind of carrot can go with that stick?  (snap) “Hey, how does an eternal and blissful afterlife sound to you?  Yeah, this shit is pretty dope.”  It turns out they did have a guidebook on how to be Spanish: it was called the Bible.
A pretty clever plan for colonization was established called the Laws of the Indies, which was basically a three-prong strategy.  First, there would be the church to preach the Good Word to the natives, bring them into the fold by teaching them not just about Jesus Christ, but how to read, about hieratical institutions and to practice trades that would be useful in Spanish society.  The missions were simply the physical manifestation of this project.  Life was centered around the church building and a mass schedule, but they missions served a whole community inside and outside their walls that produced most of the actual food and items people there needed to live.  Most, as is the case of the San Juan Capistrano Mission, had barracks, farms, forges, blacksmiths, and stables.  The second prong was the military forts to defend the churches, put down uprisings and protect the colonies from encroaching European powers.  Think of the Presidio in San Francisco.  When it was built in 1776, it was the northern most outpost of the Spanish Empire and stood guard, facing the Russian settlements in the north bay, who were really more fur trappers than a military presence.  Still, doesn’t hurt to point a couple cannons at them, just to show them Ruskies you mean business.  And finally, there was the pueblo, towns to serve as centers of trade and teach the natives of Spanish secular culture.  So there you have it, the Laws of the Indies: mission, presidio and pueblo; religion, military and economics- all the driving forces of the Spanish Empire.  Under this perfect tutelage, well even the most backward of people would be near indistinguishable from citizens of Madrid in just a few short years.  Ten years in fact.  When Junipero Serra came to California he estimated that in a mere decade the Franciscans would have the natives converted, sworn frailty to the king of Spain and not just running the place, but converting natives on their own and expanding the glory of the Empire themselves.  Serra only missed his optimistic ten-year goal by… entirety, as no such thing came even close to happening.  In Alta California the strongest presence was definitely the Missions.  Often pueblos failed or were never built and only four real presidios were constructed, in San Diego, San Francisco, Monterey and Santa Barbara, contrasted to the twenty-one missions that were eventually erected.
Misión de Nuestra Señora de Loreto Conchó
The the first Catholic Missions in the Californias were built by the Jesuits in 1697 near Loreto in what is today Baja California, Mexico.  The Jesuits only nominally worked for Spanish colonization and acted with a great deal of autonomy, funding the entire endeavor themselves, even paying the soldiers with their own funds. The chief purpose of the Jesuits was to teach the Bible to natives, and they even largely teaching in the native language.  Sure, they were priming the area for colonization, but they their interests were definitely more Catholic than Spanish.  This kind of autonomy began to make the European monarchs nervous in the eighteen century.  Europe was out of the Middle Ages, Enlightenment thought abound and suddenly they everybody seemed to look about and ask: who were these Jesuits skulking about, from the royal courts of Spain and France to the most remote jungles of the Asia and South America?  With no real loyalty to nations or kings, barely even answering the Pope- literally only God knows what these people are up to.  So in 1767, all Jesuits were formally expelled from Catholic empires of Spain, France and Portugal.[5] 
With the Jesuits gone, there became a need for a new order to head up the religious prong of the three-prong system.  Catholic missionaries were the prefect colonists because their whole purpose for being was to meet new peoples and convert them, but Carlos III needed people who acted in Spain’s interest.  Enter the Franciscans into California.  The Franciscan Order did not have in-house resources of the Jesuits and were instead reliant on charity and benefactors to do their proselytizing.  They were disciples of St. Francis of Assai- austere and humble to the point of asceticism, devoted to keeping a mind and heart spiritually detached while the body suffers and works tirelessly, and when the rubber hit the road, they were some serious dudes to be out there converting Indians.  By all accounts, as a group, there is no questioning their compassion for the people they hoped to convert and true in their belief that they were helping the neophytes- which is the term for the converted natives who lived at the Missions- but people who’s faith commands to them to treat themselves severely are likely to be sever in teaching other people that faith. 
In 1768, after handing the Baja California missions over to the Franciscans, the Spanish Crown authorized them to expand into Alta California.  The Spanish government fully funded this enterprise, giving the Franciscans the directive to rapidly expand into as much territory as they could hold.   As far as the Crown was concerned the Franciscans were mainly placeholders.   Let these religious types go out and convert as many people as possible, but essentially they were solidifying the Spanish claim to the land, which could be better colonized later.  The Franciscans were concerned with saving the souls of the heathens of California, but were not ignorant of the government’s plans and part of their mission was to prepare the native people for the oncoming storm.  It was only a matter of time before hordes of Europeans descended upon these gorgeous shores to exploit the rich resources.  There would no place in this new order for the naked and godless who hunted and gathered, they must be prepared, speak the language of the new comers, know some trades that allowed them to thrive in the new society.  The hope was that by the time the hordes arrived the natives would already be living in the Spanish mode, thus able to retain a high status in their ancestral land.  So, by contrast, unlike the majority of Americans and English, who saw the Indians as enemies who were unable to assimilate to a European culture, the Franciscans never saw the natives as their enemies.  The enemy they believed they fought was Satan, who manifested himself in the native’s heathen practices and stood in the way of their ultimate survival.[6]
To this end, the padres often lured natives to the missions with exotic gifts and abundant food.   According to Father Palou in San Juan Capistrano, most natives there came quite freely with the simple promise of baptism.  In fact, they could not build housing fast enough for all the neophytes flocking the Mission.  From the perspective of the natives the padres must have an irresistible curiosity, something not unlike aliens landing.  Not only did they have so much, but they wanted to teach the natives how to produce that kind of wealth as well.  The catch was that after the natives became neophytes, they were not allowed to leave the missions and the friars controlled every aspect of their lives, from what they ate for breakfast to who they were allowed to marry.  This surely came as a shock to the people who had no concept of imprisonment, especially when soldiers tracked down any runaways and brought them back to the mission.  Further, the Franciscans viewed a forced conversion under threat of death or imprisonment to be count as just the same spiritual victory as a voluntary one.  In an article by historian Russell Skowronek on the Ohlone Indians at the missions in the Northern California, an English geographer named Frederick William Beechy in 1826 described soldiers going out to round up Ohlone women and children, at which point the men would simply follow their families to the mission and, “voluntarily follow them into captivity.  After capture they are taught in Spanish the Lord's Prayer and how to cross themselves.... If they show a repugnance to conversion they are imprisoned for a few days and then let out for fresh air and to observe the happy mode of life of their converted countrymen.... Their incarceration ends when they are willing to submit. It usually didn't take long… as the Indians adverse confinement [who isn't?] that they very soon become impressed with the manifestly superior and more comfortable mode of life of those who are at liberty… They then are trained in a trade.”  Men were trained as cowboys, farmers, shepherds, blacksmiths, shoemakers, stonemasons, carpenters and butchers.  Women were trained to do things like weave, sew, wash, make baskets, cull wheat, sift flour, grind and hoe weeds.[7]   
The padres were clearly deluding themselves to the benefits they provided the neophytes.  One friar wrote in a letter, “For one who has not seen it, it is impossible to form an idea of the attachment of these poor creatures for the forest. There they are without a roof, without shade, without food, without medicine, and without any help. Here they have all of these things to their hearts content. Here the number who die is much less than there. They see all this, and yet they yearn for the forest.”  Putting aside the ethnocentric ignorance in this statement, which more less the stance of all Europeans of the era, this friar was just plain wrong about the longer and better lives enjoyed at the mission.  Skowronek details archeological evidence to support that the neophytes were in fact overworked, undernourished and highly susceptible to all the disease the friars and soldiers inadvertently brought with them from the Old World.  Unfortunately, like in many places in the Americas, once tribes became dependent on European agriculture and goods, their old ways were abandoned and skills for surviving in the wilderness atrophied.  Many natives feared the Spanish and moved east, well out of reach of the invaders, but those who stayed were, both directly and indirectly, found themselves ever linked to the Mission system.[8]
Color version of Louis Choris' drawing of Presidio San Francisco
One of the most controversial aspect to the Franciscan-neophyte relationship has long been the use of whips.  The degree to which natives actually volunteered to become neophytes is somewhat murky, but when they started whipping those they claimed to protect the Franciscans begin to look at lot like slavers.  Junipero Serra has been on the short list for sainthood by the Catholic Church for a very long time, but when native groups protest the canonization of somebody who terrorized their ancestors, the evidence of men of the cloth inflicting corporal punishment is all too available.  Historian Edward D. Castillo flatly indicts the Mission system as “authoritarian institutions whose foundation rested on military occupation and forced labor.”  In the journal California History, Castillo reproduced a circa 1816 painting depicting natives being herded to work by soldiers with pikes, which is disturbing enough, but the bulk of his article is a translation of an interview with the son of one of the men who assassinated Father Andrés Quintana at Mission Santa Cruz in 1812.  Quintana’s reputation for wanton cruelty was widely known to the natives throughout California and even many Spanish thought the man went too far.  Apparently, he delighted in crafting new whips out of wire and iron that could more easily rip the skin off people’s backs and he tested his creations on his flock, often without even the pretense of a crime.  Castillo also points to some insinuations that Quintana may have sexually abused some of the young women.  Understandably, a group of the neophytes in Santa Cruz decided the only way to escape this malevolence was to murder the man.  After a series of ruses that each resulted in the plotters loosing their nerve, they eventually cornered the father while he was isolated and strangled him with his cape.  A poor plan went worse when they checked on his body later found the man coming to, surely ready to speak of his assault.  Wanting to leave as few signs of foul play as possible, they decided finish the man off by crushing his testicles.  I had never heard of this as a method for murder, but this is the story one of the conspirators told his son.  I googled it up and apparently the crushing of these internal organ can send a man into a type of neurogenic shock, which can be fatal.  Oh, and by the way: ouch.  Like, seriously, yo.  Ouch.  In the case of Quintana, the neophytes got away with it, it would seem to a lucky chance that the local surgeon who preformed the autopsy was either ridiculously negligent or sympathetic to the plight of the abused neophytes.  Those who mourned the dead sadist generally accepted Quintana’s death to be a natural one and the truth did not come out until years later, when two native women discussed the matter near a Hispanic man who they did not realize spoke their language.[9]   
Farther Andres Quintana
I recount this tale, not merely to tell a salacious and grotesque story (although I admit that’s part of it), but to show the oddly entitled position a Franciscan friar could find himself in here in California, that his behavior sounds more like the most merciless of pre-Civil War plantation owners.  And that in 1812, barely two decades after Mission Santa Cruz was established, the neophytes considered escape so impossible that they risked a conspiracy that could surely result in a painful death if caught.  However, that implies that escape- that is, actually running for the hills until out of the Spanish reach and returning to their old way of life- was something the neophytes desired.  We must always be careful when speculating about the motivations of long dead people, but historical evidence points Quintana being an anomaly.  Ultimately, his death simply resulted in his replacement by another friar who was not sadistic and we can assume the neophytes would know that.  Historian Francis Guest explains that at the time of Quintana’s death, most friars were able to walk the countryside freely between missions, without guards and minimal fear of attacks by disgruntled natives.   These were human beings who had not traveled half way around the world because they wanted to whip and imprison people, probably not even Quintana thought like that, he just had thing inside his head, the “evil switch” that flicked on when found himself in a position of power.  And this is where all the moral certainty in the situation begins to get complicated.  The Franciscans did not see the natives as equals, but did see an inherent human potential for equality.  As people whom, through proper teaching and guidance, could be equals one day; this is not how a master views a slave, but they saw themselves as parents raising children.[10] 
Obviously this does not excuse, but it helps explain a bit of why the Franciscans felt it okay to inflict corporal punishment.   Francis Guest points out that in most parts of the world at this time, definitely including Spain, whipping children was seen as how you raised children.  It was right there in the bible, Proverbs 13:24, “He who withholds his rod hates his son, But he who loves him disciplines him diligently.”  These men were whipped as children, if they were not priests and had children of their own, they would have whipped them.  Further, the Franciscans were ascetics, who often whipped themselves.  Mostly not to a freaky sadomasochistic degree like the crazy giant albino in the Da Vinci Code, but the deprivation of the body was a way of bringing the spirit closer to God.  Finally, the Spanish did not send anywhere near the manpower and resources to come in and build a system that resembled the American antebellum South, even if they had wanted to, so if excessive brutality had been widespread the Mission system would have immediately been overrun.   In large part, the neophytes did not view the missions as source of oppression, as most stayed in and around the missions and remained deeply Catholic long after the missions became defunct.  In San Juan Capistrano, the Indians only left the mission after decades of neglect and exploitation that came with secularization in the Mexican Era.[11]
So with all this in mind, I find the California Missions quite unique.  The Franciscans and their soldiers came to California and coaxed the natives to the Missions.  Sometimes this was done with friendship, sometimes through bribery, sometimes through deception, sometimes through violence.  At this time the native people lost their freedom and were put to work under harsh conditions under the threat of gun, blade and whip.  By this description, it has all the signs of slavery.  But then let’s consider the motivations: the majority of neophytes came of their own volition and escape was by no means impossible.  No goods were produced in the Missions that were not used by the Missions, so there was no economic gain for anybody in this system.  The Spanish Crown only benefited in that their claim to the region was being held, they were making an investment toward a future colonization effort.  The Franciscans only ever saw themselves as stewards to the land, their sole purpose for being in California was to, in their minds, save souls and prepare the natives for future.  So, what I say this was unique, I ask when else in human history has a slave system been established for the express benefit of the slave?  Sure, we know now that the next wave of Spanish colonization would never come, they lost Nueva España before that could happen, so we may deem the Franciscan effort as misguided and ultimately a failure, but what if things had gone according to plan?  If the Mexico did not gain independence, the Americans were not yet ready to take on the Spanish Empire and would not have annexed California, the Franciscans ended up fostering new generations of mixed race people who eventually discovered the vast amounts of gold buried beneath the Sierra Nevadas and world flocked to California with a Spanish Gold Rush and with the one-time neophytes having a head start.  I find this an unlikely course for history to have taken, but not entirely implausible one.  So should the stated altruism of the Franciscans effect how we look their questionable means?  I do not ask this to excuse the uprooting of the native way of life, nor am I defending the abuses that followed, but so we can look at this period of history not simply see abusers and victims, or some kind of cogs in the colonial machine that chewed up natives people in the name of European progress, but they were real people, with real agency, making choices: grand and small, selfish and selfless, knowledgeable and ignorant, sometimes getting the results they aimed for, sometimes losing everything.


Okay, are you ready to finally settle into to San Juan?  Let’s properly introduce the town, mission and bar they way to world was introduced to it: with the migration patterns of a tiny bird.

In the 1930, Father John St. O’Sullivan, the man who made his life’s work the restoration of the decaying San Juan Capistrano Mission, noted that every St. Joseph’s Day, March 19th, massive amounts swallows descended on the Mission and remained until they all flew south in October.  Acu, the Mission’s bell ringer, claimed the tiny birds spent the winter in Jerusalem and carried twigs they could rest on while flying over the Atlantic Ocean.  In truth, the American Cliff Swallow winters in South America, as far south as Argentina.  The birds used to build their nests into the nooks and crannies of natural cliffs, but found over the last few centuries they prefer man-made walls and buildings, especially those with eves to hide under.  For a long time the Mission provided the tallest structures for many miles, thus becoming the favorite place for the swallows to summer.  The story of the swallows return to Capistrano was published in a book few people noticed, but one of them was an editor for the Los Angeles Times named Ed Ainsworth.  Through the early 30s, Ainsworth would call up the Mission on March 19th to see if the swallows had indeed returned, they’d say- yes, all the birds are here and accounted for- and Ainsworth published the quaint story in his column.  The newspaperman never bothered to actually go see the event until 1936 when he got a call from an national broadcaster who said they wanted to put on air this miraculous migration of animals acting like clockwork.  A little worried that he put his reputation on the line for an event he’d never witnessed, Ainsworth sped down to Capistrano to see Father Arthur Hutchinson, who said- well, the swallows more or less arrive around St. Joseph’s Day, but they didn’t necessarily arrive on a single day, there were no guarantees, these were animals after all.  With crowds on the way, ready to watch the skies, and big time broadcasters showing up looking to fill airtime, and Lord only knows where the heck the swallows were, Ainsworth and Hutchinson did all they could do: they prayed. 
Swallow's nests in the eves at Mission SJC
On March 19th, the equipment was set up, two thousand people were in attendance, the governor had even shown up, and there were no birds.  The clock ticked, people wandered about the quite little town, surely the busiest day the shops and restaurants and bars had ever seen, Ainsworth and Hutchinson began to sweat.   Just as people began to give it up and head home, a cry went up that a massive black cloud appeared to the south.  The complaints and jokes suddenly ceased as every head tilted up.  The largest flock anybody had ever seen poured into the town, zipping about, catching bugs and building nests on the high mission walls.  The radio broadcaster reported the “skies were blackened with swallows.”  The next morning the return of the swallows to Capistrano made national headlines and the legend was secure, establishing a tradition that on every March 19th the people of San Juan Capistrano invited to world in for celebrations and parades. Even in the sad state of disrepair it was it in, the Mission, by providing a home for the swallows, would provide the means for putting Capistrano on the map for a second time.[12]
One of the businesses visitors surely frequented on that big day in 1936, was a small bar only about a eighty yards from front door of the Mission, called El Traguito.  The name literally means “Little Swallow”, but is a rather clever play on words because, just as in English, the swallow being referred to can mean the bird, but also the sip of a drink.  All I could find about this bar with a great name war that it open some time in the late 20s and mostly served the vaqueros and field workers from the nearby ranches and groves.  In due time, this bar would become the legendary Swallow’s Inn Saloon.[13]
In the October of 1776, George Washington, friend of the show who saw buying votes with bumbos back in Episode Zero, was off to a rocky start to the American Revolutionary War, but roughly 3000 miles and a whole world away a small band of Indians, a few soldiers and two Franciscan priests broke ground on the seventh mission in Alta California and the first permanent man-made structure in what would one day be Orange County.  Many years later a book would be found in the Mission with a scrawling in the margin by one of the Spanish missionaries that read, “I have this day prayed for the success of Mr. George Washington whose cause seems to be just.”  One of the soldiers present at the beginning was Lt. Jose Francisco de Oregta, who was charged with scouting and mapping the area and whose name today is everywhere around San Juan, gracing everything from a windy mountain highway to animal hospitals.[14] 
There were a number of different native tribes in the area, but the largest in San Juan were called the Acagchemem, which, according the tour you can take at the Mission, translates roughly as “the people who sleep in piles.”  Today, the Acagchemem, along with a few other tribes of the area, most often refer to themselves the Juaneno, which, as you can probably guess, takes the Spanish name from the Mission.  Obviously, the Mission impacted the native people greatly, and by their estimation not entirely negatively, as Juaneno is the name they prefer.  As I said, friars in San Juan did not need to bribe or imprison the Juanenos into becoming neophytes, as the promise of baptism enticed more natives than they could even house.  However pleasant the Juaneno and Franciscan relationship appears to have been in many repects in Capistrano, local historian Pamela Hallen-Gibson mentions early troubles in reigning in the sexual proclivities of some of the Spanish soldiers.  I have largely ignored the military prong of the colonization effort thus far, but many of the low level soldiers who were there to protect the missions were in fact criminals from the mainland of New Spain who were serving out their sentences with mandated military duty in this desolate backwater.  It is unsurprising then that there would be cases for rape and prostitution between the guards and the people they were theoretically protecting.  Apparently, in the first three weeks of the Mission opening, while Farther Presidente Serra himself was still in Capistrano, some soldiers were executed for indecent activities and a local chief was punished for basically acting as a pimp for the soldiers.  The major takeaway from the incident lies not that the crimes occurred, but in that the officers and padres made examples of the offenders by punishing them so severely and swiftly.  A far greater threat than the actual soldiers to the native population was the introduction of syphilis, which along with dysentery, persisted to be the leading killer of the neophytes.[15]
There is some good archaeological evidence that suggests the original San Juan Capistrano Mission had to be moved in it’s early years, probably due to problems with the water supply, but nobody is quite sure from where from and, since the friars oddly made no record of it, we’re not sure if it happened at all.  The points for debate are numerous, detailed and unsatisfyingly inconclusive, so I’m not going to spend time on it, but just know that the Mission we have known and loved might be just a tad younger than that 1776 birthday.  In 1806, one of the largest buildings in California was completed in the massive stone church at the Capistrano Mission, prompting massive multi-day fiesta in the growing town, but an earthquake only six years later collapsed the church, killing more than forty people inside.  The destruction wrought by the earthquake can still be seen today, with the ruin just a shell of the short-lived magnificence that fell over 200 years ago.   
The ruins of the old chapel today.
The community around the Mission remained peaceful and almost completely self-sustaining, if never wealthy, throughout the Spanish era.  On of the more famous events was the raid on the Mission by the dread pirate Hippolyte Bouchard.  In 1818, Bouchard pillaged his way down the California coastline and finished off by anchoring at Doheny Beach and sending his men into San Juan Capistrano to clear out everything that wasn’t nailed down.  Legends emerged a Pirates of the Caribbean style attack on the defenseless town, with paintings of rabid swashbucklers gorging themselves on wine, plundering the Mission’s meager positions, as the helpless frays could do nothing by kneel and pray for deliverance.  Like most rowdy pirate stories, this is only a half of the truth.  Bouchard was actually not a pirate, but a privateer, which is pretty much just a pirate for hire.  None the less, rather than sailing under the “black flag”, the French sea captain’s ships waved the flag of United Provinces of Rio de la Plata, a newly independent nation that would eventually become Argentina and was at war with Spain in 1818.  Bouchard plundered with a purpose in California, only attacking property directly held by Spain, so that he could bring back funds to South America for the war effort.  Rather than sneaking in the dead of night, Bouchard sent emissaries to the Mission and kindly requested he be given food and water for his voyage home.  Even if it was the type of kindly request made when both parties know who has the cannons.  No matter how low on supplies the Mission may have been I have to wonder at the wisdom of the senior officer, a man named Santiago Arguello, who told Bouchard they could give no edible supplies, but offered a small amount of powder and shot.  The next morning 140 men and two cannons marched from the beach to the Mission and were only briefly met by Arguello and his soldiers on horseback who fired a couple shots and made for the hills, where they remained until the pirates finished looting.  One of Bouchard’s commanders wrote this, “We found the town well stocked with everything but money and destroyed much wine and spirits and all the public property, set fire to the king’s stores, barracks and governor’s house, and about two o’clock we marched back through not in the order we went, many men being intoxicated, and some were so much so that we had to lash them to the field pieces and drag them to the beach, where, about six o’clock we arrived with the los of six men.  Next morning we punished about 20 men for being drunk.”  Of these six men who did not return, according to historian Jim Sleeper, were the first Anglo and black residents of Orange County.[16] 
In 1821 Mexico gained independence from Spain, but the young nation’s hands were too full with revolts and internal strife for at least a decade for anyone to pay real attention to California.  The Franciscans, seeing little change in their original task, continued to expand, building the last Mission in Sonoma in 1823.   However, as the republican government settled in to Mexico DF they began to institute progressive policies, such as outlawing slavery in 1829 and the Secularization Act of 1833, which emancipated all Indians in California, gave them full Mexican citizenship and had designs to help natives become manage their own pueblos outside the Missions.  On the face of things, the policy appears as a great and liberal idea, but the unfortunate reality of secularization just led to uncertainty and new opportunities to exploitation.  First, upon emancipation many of the younger neophytes simply left, weakening the communities’ labor force.  Even in San Juan, known for good relationships with the natives, there was enough resentment that a minor rebellion ensued in 1821 when news arrived of Mexican independence, in which they demanded the arrest of the senior friar.  They jumped the gun by a good decade, but when true freedom became an option, many jumped at the chance.  In 1834, ten missions, including San Juan, had their property seized by the government, half was given to the neophytes, half would be administered by the governor.  Guess who got the better half of things?  The governors tracks were mainly sold off or given to prominent men as gifts.  The Indian half in San Juan was managed by a superintendent who $1000 a year salary would be paid by the people of the pueblo, establishing a kind of modern feudalism.  In 1838, the superintendent position went to Santiago Arguello, the same soldier who, twenty years earlier, refused dread pirate Bouchard’s demands and then abandoned the town and mission at the privateer’s mercy.  Arguello acted as if a duke and Capistrano was his fiefdom, arbitrarily putting his own brand on the best animals and using Indian food, products and alcohol to buy things for himself.  Though the Juaneno community complained that their superintendent was bleeding them dry, they could not get Arguello removed, so again, many just left.  In 1833, their were 861 neophytes attached to the mission according a census, in 1840 there were only 60 remaining, living in poverty in a failed pueblo.[17]
It was during these struggling years that San Juan got one of its most famous visitors, Richard Henry Dana.  Dana came from Massachusetts, his family were old colonial American stock dating back to the 1640s, he studied under Ralph Waldo Emerson and was at Harvard law school when a case of measles almost took the young man’s eye sight.  Spooked that he needed to see more of the world before he saw nothing more at all, Dana signed on as a deckhand, just another lowly sailor, aboard the merchant ship, the Pilgrim.  His subsequent memoir, Two Years Before the Mast, not only chronicled horrible conditions in which sailors lived, but gives us a rare outsider’s perspective of California in the Mexican era.  Although the well-bred New Englander was often conceding to the Californio culture, his descriptions are a trove of information.  For instance this passage, “The Californians are an idle, thriftless people, and can make nothing for themselves. The country abounds in grapes, yet they buy bad wines made in Boston and brought round by us, at an immense price, and retail it among themselves at a real (12.5 cents) by the small wine-glass.”  Dana also points out that despite being a country rich in cattle hides, the Californios send every hide east for manufacturing.  So rather than making shoes themselves, the leather must go around Cape Horn twice before a man wore shoes made of this own leather.  Due to the feudalistic style of governance, there was almost no economy in California; hides of cattle served as currency more than actual money.  Cows were so abundant that whole herds were skinned for their hides while the rest of the animal was simply left out to rot.  The rich dons traded hides and tallow for any items made outside California, and the poor were little more than serfs whose meager needs were supplied by their wealthy patrons.  Dana says as much after visiting Monterey: “Among the Mexicans there is no working class; (the Indians being practically serfs and doing all the hard work;) and every rich man looks like a grandee, and every poor scamp like a broken-down gentleman.”[18] 
As you might guess, Dana did not particularly care the whole of California, except for the Capistrano area and the steep cliffs that would one day bare his name with Dana Point.  He called it, “the only romantic spot on the coast.”  He occasionally admires simple and slow pace to life the natives in the area seemed to enjoy and admired the high and white Mission walls from afar, but he never made it to the Mission itself.  On last quote I’d like to read from Dana is his description of race and hierarchy in California, he writes, “Their complexions are various, depending- as well as their dress and manner- upon their rank; or, in other words, upon the amount of Spanish blood they can lay claim to. Those who are of pure Spanish blood, having never intermarried with the aborigines, have clear brunette complexions, and sometimes, even as fair as those of English women.  There are but few of these families in California; being mostly those in official stations, or who, on the expiration of their offices, have settled here upon property which they have acquired; and others who have been banished for state offences. These form the aristocracy; intermarrying, and keeping up an exclusive system in every respect. They can be told by their complexions, dress, manner, and also by their speech; for, calling themselves Castilians, they are very ambitious of speaking the pure Castilian language, which is spoken in a somewhat corrupted dialect by the lower classes. From this upper class, they go down by regular shades, growing more and more dark and muddy, until you come to the pure Indian, who runs about with nothing upon him but a small piece of cloth, kept up by a wide leather strap drawn round his waist.
“Generally speaking, each person’s caste is decided by the quality of the blood, which shows itself, too plainly to be concealed, at first sight. Yet the least drop of Spanish blood, if it be only of quadroon or octoroon, is sufficient to raise them from the rank of slaves, and entitle them to a suit of clothes- boots, hat, cloak, spurs, long knife, and all complete, though coarse and dirty as may be,- and to call themselves Espanolos, and to hold property, if they can get any.”[19]
This was the era of the Dons, who were nothing less than nobility in California.  Rather than Castilians, as Dana calls them, historians today usually refer to this upper, Latin descended, class as Californios.  Throughout the 1820s, 30s and 40s, California remained a loyal territory to Mexico City, but in this period the people born and raised in California, got used to running their own affairs.  This is the era of families with names that grace so many cities, streets, and neighborhoods today throughout the state- names like Castro, Pico, Alvarado, Peralta, Carrillo, Sepulveda and Vallejo.  This is the romantic era that inspired the Johnston McCulley’s pulp fiction novels starring Zorro, in which the wealthy Don Diego de la Vega dons a mask and sword to defend the downtrodden native people and once proud Franciscans against the greedy land barons of his own class and the abusive and brutish soldiers.  The first book is actually titled the Curse of Capistrano, which partially takes place at our fair mission.  By the way, there are plenty of places you can read the ebook online, but you can listen to that book for free at librivox.org.  McCulley can’t be counted on for any historical or geographical accuracy- like at all- but the stories are fun and they light up the imagination, adding some life to the Californio era that you don’t get in history books.
In San Juan Capistrano, the don who finally set the town on a path to prosperity has the unlikely sounding name of Don Juan Forster.  An Englishman by birth, John Forster came to Southern California for work with his uncle and fell in love with the place.  He took Mexican citizenship and married the sister of the future governor, Pio Pica, imminently making him one of the foremost men in the state.  I had planned on using Forster as a way introducing the conflicts leading up to the Mexican-American War of 1846, as he was present at some key events and witnessed battles prior to the war when Californios tested their the limits of their autonomy from the Mexican government, but as usual, I’ve run on much longer than I expected to.  I promise there will be an episode soon that covers the military campaigns and politics that led to the American annexation of California.  The cast of characters is too colorful and the events are too weird to ignore this story.
For now we’ll speed things up, so we can talk at least a little bit about the bar.  Remember when you thought this episode was about a bar?  As I eluded to last month, there is a painfully small amount of information available about the history of the Swallow’s Inn- which is fine with me because I had more than enough to say on other matters.  But the saloon, aside from close proximity to the Mission and connection with the return of the swallows- during the annual Swallows Day Parade, the bar is thee place get your day time drunk on- there is a connection to Don Juan Forster.  Forster set up a ranch during the 1830s northeast of the Mission and began buying up land.  He was appointed justice of the peace of the San Juan Capistrano in 1845.  At this time, the rundown town had permanent residents hardly above the single digits and a reputation as a great place to stop and get your day-time drunk on, with a fair amount of prostitution to boot.  There were no friars at the mission and bands of thieves regularly came riding into town, whampin’ and whompin’ every living thing within an inch of its life.  So Forster and a man named James McKinnly simply bought it the Mission for $710 at an auction.  The purchase that included the San Juan Mission became Rancho Mission Viejo.  Like many of the rancheros of this era, over time Rancho Mission Viejo moved on from cattle to become a real estate company and investment group in the twentieth century.  The money made raising cattle paled in comparison to the money to be made in raising homes and selling the dream of easy, sunny Southern California living.  The sleepy little towns in the area, once separated by ranchland and orange groves, slowly blended into each other, connected first by housing tracts at the mid-twentieth century, and then by gated communities with opulent mansions by the twenty-first.  The wealthy Forster family remained influential in the area (for instance, I went to Marco Forster Jr. High, named after one of Don Juan’s sons), as did the families of the O’Neill’s and the Floods who purchased Rancho Mission Viejo in 1882.  Today, most people refer to the Rancho Mission Viejo group as “The Ranch”, despite their current ranching operations being done for mainly nostalgic reasons.  Among the many properties and business The Ranch owns is none other than the Swallows Inn Saloon.[20]
The bar’s current residence was originally built as adobe house built in the 1930s, while El Traguito opened across the street.  According to an environmental design firm that did a historical survey a couple years ago, the bar moved into its current location in 1967.  I also got a hold of a 1971 interview from the local library with Elizabeth Forster, who had spent most of her life in the area and married into the distinguished Forster family.   She mentions the buildings that housed both the old and current locations of the bar being owned by the Forster family at some point, but through most of the 50s and 60s the bar was owned by an Irishman name Burke and prior to the move it was called Burke’s Tavern.  On another interesting note Mrs. Forster, having spent decades as a teacher, was able to remember a time during the 1920s and 30s in which the majority of students still spoke Spanish as a first language and many were often only enrolled for a season.  There were many families who constantly migrated around the state according harvest seasons, and the children themselves would work as pickers in the walnut groves while in San Juan.  Speaking to the rapid growth and change of the area, by the early 70s, Mrs. Forster said she hardly heard Spanish spoken at all in school halls.[21]
Apparently the move and name change of the bar occurred so that this Irishman, Burke, could serve Mexican food, which he called Spanish Food.  When you look at pictures Camino Capistrano from the 60s the street is lined with signs that advertise Spanish food, which was common, as most Anglo Americans of that era would not have stopped to eat burritos, tacos and tamales if had been labeled properly as Mexican food.   At some point, though the kitchen at the Swallows closed to make room for a small stage and a dance floor.  The bar and stage are featured prominently Clint Eastwood’s 1986 military classic (?), Heartbreak Ridge.  The movie is unwatchablely bad, as Eastwood unleashes a flurry of jaw punches and homophobic quips, on a mission to prove Marines are tired of being treated as second-class citizens.  The scene at the Swallow’s Inn involves a young Mario Van Peeples moonwalking and lip syncing a heavy metal, rap, new wave, smooth jazz number as weathered Clint Eastwood looks on and contemplates end of Western Civilization.  Nonetheless, thirty years later, the bar looks exactly the same.


Most of the old timers at the Swallows who spoke with me on my last visit were friendly, but a bit weary of a stranger showing up with a digital recorder and saying I was working on something called a podcast.  It was confirmed that I was up to something fishy the moment I produced academic release wavers and nobody felt like discussing bar history anymore, instead referring me to walls filled with pictures of regular customers and bartenders.  Obviously, my explanation of who I am and what I’m doing needs some fine-tuning.   Next I visited the San Juan Capistrano Historical Society in the gorgeous restored O'Neill house alongside the train tracks, but their folder labeled “Swallow’s Inn” contained only a single article from the Orange County Register from 1978, in which a group of homesick Texas expressed surprise and comfort finding a “hard-core, country-western bar” in the Swallow’s.  The article also explains the rules of frozen duck racing, a popular Swallow’s tradition in which participants fasten shot of booze to a frozen fowl and attempt it tow it across the bar without spilling.
When it comes down to it, the Swallow’s Inn never did anything special to secure its legendary status in the minds of residents of South Orange Country.  No patrons with long and illustrious literary careers, no scandalous stories that hint to a secret history of the Southland, no role in the continued existence of our democracy, but there is a feeling to the place, like a lost pocket of the Old West.  Not a touristy recreation, but like those rare occasions you see somebody wearing cowboy boots and they don’t look like an asshole.  A few of the old timers recalled a hitching post out front that was used somewhat regularly despite the streets being long since paved, and on crazy nights it wasn’t super surprising to see somebody ride one of those horses in the front door and out the back, off into the night in the direction of the 5 freeway.  I can even remember sawdust covering the floor when I first actually had a drink there in the 90s.  So the saloon has the air of an organic confluence: the once rowdy and rural with the raising mundane and suburban.  It’s places like these that make people like me yearn for the past.  Not because the past was simpler, but because it was so different and foreign.  It’s places like these that remind us that every day we live amongst and constantly tear down the vestiges of fading civilizations.  Since Gaspar de Portola and Juan Crispi first walked from San Diego to Monterey, California has been a place of exponentially rapid change, only occasionally pausing to remember to preserve something before it fades from memory.



Thank you for downloading this episode of the Bear Flag Libation.  This week I want to thank Gwen at the San Juan Capistrano Historical Society for generously giving me lots of material on the wider story of city, even if we were mostly unsuccessful at finding material on the Swallow’s.  Also, thank you to Tony and Joanna Lioce and Sue Fimbres, who all attempted to help put me in touch some people who might know some of the earlier history on the bar, even if we were mostly unsuccessful in finding material on the Swallow’s.  And finally thanks to my mom, Luanne Burton, who visited a number of the city’s bureaucratic offices for me on a hunt for information, even if we were mostly unsuccessful in finding material on the Swallows.  As usual, thanks to Anthony Lukens, who is always successful in playing the Creedence for our theme song.  The two versions of the song “When the Swallows Come back to Capistrano” you’ve heard are by Pat Boone and Glen Miller, respectively.

Every time I make promises concerning the scheduling of future shows, I end up breaking said promises, so the next topic will be on California history and it will come out when it is done.  Please feel free to give me any feedback at bearflaglibation@gmail.com, or leave a comment the show page at bearflaglibation.blogspot.com.  Don’t forget to become of fan of the show on the facebook page at facebook.com/bearflaglibation.  Beyond posting pictures and notifications that have to do with episodes, I post links and articles that fans of the show would find interesting.  And I’m also going to start posting “California Dive Bar Juke Box Song of the Week”, which will not just be a great song by a Golden State artist to play in a bar, but I’ll be providing a bit of history for you to impress and/or bore your friends with.  Enjoy your warm winter, friends, and drink Mexican beer.


[1] Edward Everett Hale, “The Queen of California,” Atlantic Monthly 13, no. 77 (1964): 265–279.
[2] William S. Simmons, “Indian Peoples of California,” California History, Vol. 76, No. 2/3, (Summer - Fall, 1997), 49; Kevin Starr, “California: A History” (New York: Random House, 2005), 13.
[3] The Diaries of Fray Juan Crispi and Gaspar de Portolá on the days of July 23rd and 24th 1769, published on the website of the Pacific Historical Society,
[4] Pamela Hallan-Gibson, Dos Cientos Anos en San Juan Capistrano (Orange, CA: The Paragon Agency, 2001), 11-12.
[5] Brian A. Aviles and Robert L. Hoover, “Two Californias, Three Religious Orders and Fifty Missions: A comparison of the missionary systems in Baja and Alta California,” Pacific Coast Archaeological Society Quarterly 33, No. 3 (Summer 1997), 10-38.
[6] Aviles and Hoover, “Two Californias”, 16-21.
[7] Hallan-Gibson, Dos Cientos Anos, 12-16; Russell K. Skowronek, “Sifting the Evidence: Perceptions of Life at the Ohlone (Costanoan) Missions of Alta California,”
Ethnohistory 45, No. 4 (Autumn 1998), 681, 691.
[8] Skowronek, “Sifting the Evidence”, 691, 697.
[9] Edward D. Castillo and Lorenzo Asisara, “The Assassination of Padre Andrés Quintana by the Indians of Mission Santa Cruz in 1812: The Narrative of Lorenzo Asisara,” California History 68, No. 3, (Fall 1989), 116-125.
[10] Francis F. Guest, “An Inquiry Into the Role of the Discipline in California Mission Life,” Southern California Quarterly 71, No. 1 (SPRING 1989), 4-5.
[11] Guest, “Role of the Discipline,” 8-10.
[12] “Biological Sensitivity Assessment, Historic Town Center Master Plan, San Juan Capistrano”, a study conducted by the Templeton Planning Group of Costa Mesa, California. “ Dated for May 2011.  The Swallow’s Inn is mentioned in section 5.5-16.  Found at, http://www.google.com/url?sa=t&rct=j&q=&esrc=s&source=web&cd=2&ved=0CDcQFjAB&url=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.sanjuancapistrano.org%2FModules%2FShowDocument.aspx%3Fdocumentid%3D25010&ei=9WHUUp3DN4XvoATVkYLgAg&usg=AFQjCNFfUXxNOS3udutTqzQcUBT0u2ybyQ&sig2=0J8qaz2DehnWIvG4fUVmeQ&bvm=bv.59026428,d.cGU, accessed January. 10, 2014.
[13] Hallan-Gibson, Dos Cientos Anos, 102-104.
[14] Hallan-Gibson, Dos Cientos Anos, 9.
[15] Hallan-Gibson, Dos Cientos Anos, 16; Harry Kelsey, “The Mission Buildings of San Juan Capistrano: A Tentative Chronology”, Southern California Quarterly, Vol. 69, No. 1, Spring 1987, 24.
[16] Hallan-Gibson, Dos Cientos Anos, 19-20.
[17] Hallan-Gibson, Dos Cientos Anos, 25-27.
[18] Richard Henry Dana Jr., Two Years Before the Mast: A Personal Narrative (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1911), 92-94.
[19] Dana, Two Years, 170, 95-96.
[20] Hallan-Gibson, Dos Cientos Anos, 27-30; Rancho Mission Viejo website, http://corp.ranchomissionviejo.com/community-development/investment-properties/, accessed on January 5, 2015.
[21] “Historic Town Center Master Plan”, 5.5-16; Interview with Elizabeth Forster by Suzanne Jansen on July 26, 1971, conducted as part of the CSU Fullerton Oral History Program, accessed at the reference desk of the San Juan Capistrano Public Library.

Saturday, January 4, 2014

friend of the show

Jack London talks with Data about his exciting young life and the great possibilities for people in America on Star Trek: The Next Generation.

Saturday, November 30, 2013

Addendum to First and Last Chance Episode

Since posting the show last night I've realized there were a couple omissions that needed correcting:

1) Almost the entire section on the Bay Area oyster industry was based on a 2006 in article in Pacific Historical Review entitled “Oyster Growers and Oyster Pirates in San Francisco Bay” by historian Mathew Morse Booker.  I footnoted this in the print script, but in the version I read aloud I had deleted Mr. Booker's name without replacing it anywhere else.  Considering I leaned so heavily on his work, he deserves much more than just a footnote.
In the section in which I refer to a "historian's socioeconomic argument" about the nature of oyster pirates, I should have added Mr. Booker's name because, well, it is one of the arguments of his article.

2) I missed an opportunity for a decent joke!  When talking about the authors who came into the Last Chance I listed the great Ambrose Bierce.  The next sentence clearly should have been: "Of course, it turns out Bierce had never been there at all, he had merely imagined coming into the bar when he was actually hanging from a bridge in Alabama."

3) When discussing the segregation of sexes I used the phrase, "separate spheres".  I maintain that is what I said, but it sure sounds like, "separate spears".  The correct word is "spheres".

- Mike B.

Friday, November 29, 2013

A Saloon, Of Course, For The Transactions Of Men- John Heinold's First and Last Chance Saloon in Oakland


You  can download and listen to this episode in iTunes or click on the red star logo to the right.  I would sorta prefer the iTunes path, because each download there makes it more searchable for other people to find.  I would also love reviews made in iTunes.  Thanks, enjoy the show.


I am sitting outside the joint people most often mention when I tell them I’m working on a project concerning California’s historic bars.  The Sun is going down at five o’clock so I know its time to switch from clear to brown liquors for the winter months and the sun has dipped below the coastal mountains on the west side of the San Francisco Bay, casting deep shadows over the Port of Oakland and painting a bluish hue upon the massive four legged cranes that services the container ships, which we’ve all seen lumbering into the bay, like floating citadels arrayed with brightly colored blocks, shipping containers, stacked like legos.  I’ve been told that George Lucas envisioned the Imperial AT-AT Walkers seen at the beginning of Empire Strikes Back, when he was driving over the Bay Bridge, looking at these monstrous cranes, but I have never looked this fact up because I would hate to find it’s not true.  
This entire bay is now synonymous with the technological innovations it produces, the ideas that offer ever-quicker routes to our needs and desires, and make the planet a smaller place.  But here, at this Western mouth of the world, one can still witness the slow, corporeal industry of the global mercantile exchange.  From here, the world still looks vast, laborious, unknowable, insurmountable.  This trade is all on a scale that would probably seem unimaginable to someone a hundred years ago, to someone like Jack London as he signed aboard the Sophia Sutherland schooner, leaving for Japan, leaving his childhood home for exploits in the cold, robust and wild expanse of creation.  But the process remains very much the same: longshoremen load, the ships spend weeks plowing across a desolate waste of rising and setting sunsets, and longshoremen unload.  But the time is gone when boys and young men like London looked at these deep voyagers and didn’t see a glut of consumer goods, but possibilities, adventure, a courageous life that forgoes modern comfort for the chance at something extraordinary.
London lived in a California, he more or less embodied a California, that was on the precipice of change, when the Wild West was becoming tame, manageable, docile, like everywhere else but with a great climate, angelic scenery and self-righteous bohemians.  The call had gone out the world over and been answered, of the promise of liberty and riches in California, the last stand of Thomas Jefferson’s rural Enlightenment vision of America, the Eden at the end of the Earth.  But the promised unmared and open vistas were becoming harder to find, those patches of land that a person could find and work and raise a family, free of time clocks and bosses and all the unforgiving demands of other people.  California was not only not impervious to the modern age that was dawning, in truth it would be at it’s forefront, rushing through all the growing pains societies typically engage, and going straight from being a shit-kicking backwater to beacon of progress and development. 
Jack London embodied this too; in his short life, going from a penniless oyster-pirate who refused to beholden to any master, to the nation’s first entertainment celebrity.  The most famous author in the world, tirelessly generating books, despite his ever failing health and the quality of writing which he little cared about, to pay off his debts.  He was an idealist and a socialist, but also a racist, a nationalist and sold his name to cigars, mints, and tailors in New York.  Yet somehow, drunk, bloated, jaded, bitter, dying, a life of hard living coming home to roust, he still produced masterpieces.  Generations would read his books and dream of the free wilderness that could be still found out there, somewhere.
Today we’re going to Jack London’s California.  There is no better guide to Western saloon culture at the turn of the twentieth century, so we’ll visit the bar the he himself declared as spot he gave up all things boyish for manly pursuits.  We’re at Heinold’s First and Last Chance Saloon in Oakland. And this is the Bear Flag Libation.

At age fifteen, Jack London had already had enough of mundane work a day life.  He’d gone from being a paperboy to working ten to eighteen hour shifts at a cannery in Oakland and could not contemplate spending the rest of life as a “work-beast”, treated with less value than a horse.   Since he had learned to read, young Jack spent nearly every free moment in books, traveling the globe and through time on the sails of his imagination, but was always forced to return to difficult, and worse yet, ordinary reality of the poor child obliged to quit school to earn money for his family.  Nearly everybody in the boy’s view seemed to toil endlessly without real purpose, dim to any air of romance and escapade- that is except for the oyster pirates.  The oyster pirates sped around the Bay in their tiny sloops, flouting the law, raiding the shallow water oyster farms, drinking and fighting and generally doing as they damn well pleased.  Young Jack wanted in.  So he borrowed money from his one-time wet nurse, and went to see a man called French Frank about buying his boat, the Razzle Dazzle.  Before the sale even became official Jack was caught up in the high drama, allowing himself to be seduced by Mamie, Queen of the Oyster Pirates, and earning the jealous hatred of French Frank, who would soon try to kill Jack.  But first, “We met by appointment, early Monday morning, to complete the deal, in Johnny Heinhold’s ‘Last Chance’- a saloon, of course, for the transactions of men.”
Rounds of drinks to celebrate the sale of the boat were bought for all present, men like Spider Healy, Whiskey Bob, Soup Kennedy, and even a glass for the barkeep, Johnny Heinold.  All aware of French Frank’s vengeful ire toward this new kid, but Jack remained completely naive of any reason a fifty-year-old man would be jealous of a fifteen-year-old boy.  Unfortunately for Jack, he was making few friends due his ignorance to the fact that when other men buy rounds of drinks; you too are expected to reciprocate with a round.  It was Heinold who finally leaned over the bar and whispered, “He’s got it in for you.  Watch out.”  Sure enough, some time later French Frank tried to ram Jack’s ship, but the young London held him off, cocking a double-barrel shotgun with his hands while deftly steering the Razzle Dazzle with his feet.  This event, coupled with Jack’s discovery of how to treat others to drinks, gained him a mighty reputation on the Oakland waterfront and after a drunken fistfight with Frank, the dropped his vendetta.  Such as life among the oyster-pirates of the San Francisco Bay and the men who drank at Johnny Heinold’s bar. [1]

At this point, you’re probably asking, what the heck is an oyster-pirate?  And, where do I sign up for this job?  So before we step down into First and Last Chance, let’s get out, on and under the famous bay because the rise and fall of the California oyster industry actually speaks volumes about rapid evolution of the state.  By 1890, when Young London embarking on his career as an outlaw, the San Francisco Bay was drastically different than it had been only forty years before, and by the time London died in 1916, it had undergone a whole other set of changes.
The native Ohlone Indians lived in the greater Bay Area for many centuries, with oysters and other shellfish being a steady part of their daily diet.  Archeologists have uncovered hundreds of huge mounds of shells all along beaches leading them to believe the amount of bivalves consumed by people every year could be measured in tons.  In drought or flood, if plants and animals were scarce for a season, shellfish were always abundant and accessible.  When Europeans showed up, they joined in the foraging; there was plenty for all.  But then the Gold Rush struck.  And even more important than the sudden explosion in population in Northern California, was a devastating environmental impact caused by hydraulic mining in the Sierra Nevada Mountains.  We’ll talk more about the Gold Rush in future episodes, but most of the era was not lone miners wandering the hills with pickaxes and sifters, plucking up nuggets and dancing jigs.  Most of the mining was done by huge corporations using high-tech machines that would redirect entire rivers into pumps and hoses with so much pressure they could blow entire mountainsides.  Meters of topsoil washed away in seconds.  This is a very effective way to find gold and the clear the area, but the problem is, what happens to all that topsoil?  This is the mid-ninetieth century, so the answer is, who gives a damn what happens to dirt?  We’re getting rich over here.  And all that dirt simply entered the streams and rivers and flowing downhill.   The Sacramento River bed rose a thirteen feet around that capital city in the 1860s.  By the 1880s, it is estimated that eight times more earth was moved along the Northern California watershed than was moved during the entire construction of the Panama Canal.  Let me say that again, eight times more earth moved than when they built the Panama effing Canal!
Eventually, all that sentiment ended up in the San Francisco Bay and utterly paved over entire populations plants and animals.  The entire shape of the bay, both the bottom and the coastline were completely and permanently altered.  Suffice the say, the native oyster population was nearly wiped out, but we Americans are an industrious bunch if we want oysters, we’re going to find a way to get some oysters.  So special aquarium train cars were made to ship all kinds of sea life from the Atlantic Ocean, all the way across the continent to the Pacific Ocean.  Much of it died on the trip, but oysters are pretty burly little bivalves and the large east coast oysters made the trip, thrived in their new home and became big business in California.  In no time, oysters were being shipped all over the West, as far as Wyoming and Colorado, which was great for some someone like a Rockies miner who didn’t have access to a lot of fruits and vegetables because oysters are chalk full of vitamins and minerals.  Today, we consider oysters to be something of a delicacy, but in the late nineteenth century, they were common and considered a workingman’s super food.
The tricky thing about the oyster industry is how to privatize and protect the shallow tidal land where they grow.  Typically, nobody owns the ocean and when somebody wanted oysters they just go down and scoop them up.  The state made a dispensation and sold plots of tidal land to oyster farmers, it was legally their property, but there wasn’t really any way at the time to fence the area off without effecting the growth of the animal.  Enter the oyster pirate.  Now a historian’s socio-economic argument could be made that these were proletariat foragers traditionally surviving in urban areas by mining the sea and they were refusing to conform with modern and legally novel idea of private property in areas that had always been common-use, but I suspect most oyster pirates were men of a flexible moral code who preferred to spend their time drinking whisky and gallivanting with teenage girls, then occasionally boosting somebody else’s aquatic harvest.  However, it worth noting that Jack London did become a socialist as a young man, and it isn’t a stretch to imagine that his politics concerning the injustices of capitalism may have begun during his time as an oyster pirate.
Their method was devilishly simple: during the day they cruised around, collecting slim pickings of oysters that could be found in common-use areas, but this was a front, just a show for anyone looking to see they had been out there in common areas.  Then at night they would silently sail up to an oyster farm on their skiffs, jump out, haul in a literal boatload, and slip off into the darkness.  It isn’t as if farmers could brand the little oyster shells like cattle; so stolen oysters were indistinguishable from legitimate ones.  The perfect crime.  Everybody on the Oakland waterfront seems to have known who the oyster pirates were, but the community had no problem with thieves who stole property that felt like it should belong to everybody.  Besides, they offered cheaper oysters.
Then suddenly at the height of the Bay Area oyster boom, the industry suddenly took a dive.  The explosion of population that began with the Gold Rush never really stopped and in the early twentieth century we’re just getting the beginning of laws to regulate environmental impacts, so this means not just industrial waste in the water, but all those people means lots more human waste being dumped (no pun intended) into the bay.  Human waste does almost no damage to the actual oyster, in fact, they may even thrive on it, but a person who eats an oyster that had been soaking in all that nastiness will get very sick indeed.  After a string of poisonings the word got out that Bay Area oysters could potentially kill you and that was the end of that.  Even today, after decades of regulations and clean up, there is still a little bit of an “eww” factor about jumping into the bay.[2]
At this point, early 1910s, Jack London had long left the Razzle Dazzle and had traveled the world aboard much larger ships.  In fact, he was up in Sonoma, getting around to writing John Barleycorn, what he called his alcoholic memoirs, in which Johnny Heinold’s bar plays a prominent role.  Heinold, too, was doing just fine with the loss of the pirate patrons, after all he served alcohol on the Oakland waterfront.  And, typically, sailors want a drink the first chance they get when getting off a boat, or want a one last chance for a drink before they get on one.

John Michael Heinold arrived in San Francisco in 1876.  Enticed by the promise of adventures in the West, he had run away from home and signed on as deckhand on a windjammer out of Philadelphia.   For several years, he worked odd jobs along the waterfront in the city, until buying a bar in Oakland on San Pablo Ave, but Johnny (as everybody called him) decided this was too far from the salty ocean air and sea dogs he grown to love.  So in 1883, he bought a small bunkhouse used by workers on the oyster farms, cleared it out and ask a ship carpenter to help him build a bar.  Only a few steps from the estuary between Oakland and Alameda, the bar quickly became a success with the waterfront crowd and Heinold a fixture himself as he always worked alone, open until close every single day.  As I eluded to a moment ago, the bar took the name the First and Last Chance because it was the first and last place to get a drink before you got on or after you got off a boat.  This was also the case for commuters from the island city of Alameda, as it a dry city at the time and the ferry landing was only a block from the bar.[3]
The same year Heinold bought the bar, he met the woman who would become his wife, Christine Marie.  I was a bit hesitant to bring up the Heinold’s clearly unhappy marriage because gossip about people almost a century dead still sounds like gossip, but I uncovered some articles from the San Francisco Call in 1898 concerning their divorce and sometimes these things can be insightful about the time period.  But I warn that we shouldn’t draw too many conclusions about the character of the people involved in a “he said, she said” dispute played out in newspaper snippets.
The future Mrs. Heinold worked as a servant for a private family, but claimed to have aristocratic linage in her country of origin.  I’m not sure which country she immigrated from, but by the late 19th century many old and distinguished European families had been brought low by the industrial revolution, so it’s not impossible the granddaughter of some minor German noble could have wound up making beds in Oakland, California.  Johnny was taken by her stories of high birth and proud family history, as well as charming personality.  They married quickly and Christine gave birth five times in as many years.  This strikes me as a stressful enough way to spend your life, but added to that two of their children died very young.  Johnny blamed Christine for the poor condition of the home, claiming his wife was reckless and neglectful of her children.  When Johnny filed for divorce in 1898, a very rare occurrence at the time, it was on grounds of desertion of the family, allegedly abandoning her kids and returning to work as a domestic for another family.  In response, Christine charged her husband with “extreme cruelty, intemperance and threats against her life.”[4]
Obviously, two short blubs in the newspaper tell us very little about what actually went on in the Heinold home, but, if I may offer a bit of speculation.  Other reading has led me to two major traits about Johnny: One, his children absolutely adored him. His son, George, wrote a short book about his father’s legendary big heart that George credits for the bar’s fame.  And, two, the man was an absolute workaholic who rarely went home.  For the bar’s existence while he lived, Johnny opened the joint at six in the morning and closed it some time after at eight at night, every single day.  His lack of delegation implies he wanted to be there and I sense the bar was Johnny’s real home.  This, compounded with the tragedy of two dead children, adds up to incredible amount stress and resentment in a marriage.  Johnny’s minor fame gives people many opportunities to say great things about him, while I’ve seen no mention of his wife anywhere besides these two articles, which gives the idea that these type of events must have been common place enough if Johnny, his son and Jack London don’t feel need to mention the problems has some great tragedies.   Beyond providing insight into the lives of ordinary people the divorce reveled in Mrs. Heinold’s countersuit for alimony payments the bar is valued at $10,000.  When I put this figure into couple online currency inflation calculators, 10,000 dollars in 1898 has about the same buying power as 270,000 to 280,000 dollars in 2013.  Considering the old shack of a bar is now a federally recognized historic landmark in a popular commercial waterfront and is considered an indispensible jewel by locals and tourists alike, I’m willing to bet the bar would sell for much more than that today.
 
London, 1885.
In 1888, Johnny noticed a boy sitting on a dock pylons near the front of the bar, reading a pocket dictionary.  The kid had recently moved to Alameda from San Francisco and spent a lot of time on the waterfront collecting firewood for this family or scavenging loose pieces of metal to sell.  Johnny invited him to come into the bar, warm himself by the potbelly stove, sit beneath the soft gas lamps and read the thick, proper dictionary Johnny kept behind the bar.  They boy was not yet a steady drinker at the age of twelve, but young Jack London was in the place regularly to read and be among men.  It is likely he was there during the frequent visits of Robert Louis Stevenson, who ever obsessed with health didn’t drink himself, but he wife had lived in Oakland and Stevenson was a friend of Heinold and he enjoyed the company, conversation and sarsaparilla as he prepared to sail for the South Seas and Somoa.  Other authors known to stop by the First and Last Chance was the great Civil War writer Ambrose Bierce, the “poet of the Sierras” Joaquin Miller, Rex Beach and Robert Service.[5] 
On Memorial Day of 1890 a commuter train flew off an open drawbridge between Oakland and Alameda.  The packed train plunged into the bay only feet from the front door of Heinold’s saloon.  Heroic bystanders dove in to rescue as many passengers as possible, but thirteen people died on the spot.  Heinold cried out, “Sell no more whiskey! Take everything in house if it will save a life, or make even one poor woman die easier!”  The crowded bar was cleared out and served as an ad-hoc hospital and morgue.  The newspaper reported, “Drinking men and rough men became gentle, while tears rolled down their cheeks.”  If the reporter on the scene had happened to catch any names of these weeping angels of mercy, London may very well been among them, along with the likes of French Frank, Whiskey Bob and Scratch Nelson.[6]
In the early 1890’s, the powerful Southern Pacific railroad made a play at taking over the Oakland waterfront.  With shaking legal standing to the area, the SP resorted to dirty tricks like sinking a massive barge offshore to block the construction of Mayor John L. Davie’s wharf, which would offer a cheap ferry to San Francisco and cut into the railroad’s business.  The SP also tried to halt the wharf by erecting fences along the waterfront, so Davie asked his friend Johnny Heinold if he might be able of some help.  Every night, Heinold, London and the Last Chance regulars would go out, surely blotto, and tear down all the SP fences around the waterfront.  The next day the railroad company would put them back up, that night they’d go down again.  Eventually, Davie removed the barge, opened his wharf and ferry, all owned by the city of Oakland, costing the people only cents for the ride, and the waterfront remained away from the hands of private developers.[7]
London spent the 1890s in and out of Oakland, serving as a deck hand on a merchant ship to Japan, riding the rails to upstate New York where he spent a month in jail for vagrancy, but at age seventeen he returned and spoke to Heinold about this desire to become a writer.  The bartender lent him forty dollars for tuition at the University of California in Berkeley; “without security, without interest, without buying a drink.”  London only went to Berkeley for one semester, but he remained eternally grateful, and he, like Heinold’s son George, credits the fame and success of the First and Last Chance to be in Johnny’s compassion and generosity.  For celebrity writer friends and unknown homeless boys alike, Heinold could be trusted to provide help and advice.[8]
When I said “step down” into the bar earlier, I was being literal.  In the great 1906 earthquake the pylons that support the tiny bar sank into the underwater ground below, dropping the floor approximately eight inches below street level.  They tried repeatedly to reinforce the building, but it always sank back down even further.  Today, the floor is almost two feet down and a steep ramp must be traversed to get inside and sit at a bar, which sits at about a 20-degree angle.  Obviously, this is part of the old-timey charm.  Just keep one hand free to hold onto your drink, lest it slide away.[9]
Though I have been unable to verify this, Otha Wearin, who wrote a short book on the bar, claims that Mayor Davie took President William Howard Taft to the First and Last Chance for “refreshment and a moment of relaxation” during Taft’s West Coast visit in October of 1911.  Somebody of a lesser standard of humor might make a joke here about how the portly president is the real reason the floor is sunken at the bar.  And I am that somebody: Yo Taft is so fat when he arrived on California his ass was still in Washington.  Yo Taft is so fat that Teddy Roosevelt told him he was starting the Bull-Moose Party and he brought over a knife and fork.  Yo Taft is so fat the Southern Pacific Railroad Company sunk him in the Oakland harbor in a bid to take over the waterfront.[10]
During Prohibition, Heinold abide by the Volstead Act and apparently getting by selling sandwiches, peanuts and sarsaparilla. George Heinold came back from World War One a decorated hero and Johnny told his friends, “If my boy can fight for the Constitution, I guess I can uphold it.”  Only months before the repeal of Prohibition in 1933, John Heinold died.  A special disposition by city hall was made to honor his last wishes and a pilot released the old bartender’s ashes above the saloon he loved so dearly.  George Heinold took over the joint and ran it just as dutifully until 1969, passing away only months later.  Ownership transferred his widow, and then to the bartenders who kept the place just as Johnny had.  The gas lights and potbellied stove even remained until 1989.[11]
You can and should still visit the First and Last Chance Saloon today, with a great patio for sitting outside, looking west onto the harbor, and a time warp as soon as you step inside.  You’ll find it at the end of Webster Street in the touristy part of the Oakland Harbor now called Jack London Square.  It looks every bit the ninetieth century relic it is; a diminutive wood shack with a sunken floor, but surrounded by towering glass and steel commercial structures.  

As you should have hopefully noticed by now, we are not at the Swallow’s Inn Saloon in San Juan Capistrano as I prematurely declared in last month’s show.  I have parts of that episode written, but collecting information on that bar has proven to be more challenging that I anticipated.  For all my arguments on the important role bars play in American life, the reality is that bars lie slightly on the under belly of society and traditionally have been ignored by scholars.   This queasy attitude toward alcohol is not always completely consciously, but obviously sometimes it has been.   I mean, we tried Prohibition for a reason.  Even aside from the most obvious negative social repercussions of excessive drinking (alcoholism, increase of domestic violence, generally poor decision making), it is a truly weird and rather ugly truth that we, as human beings, as a species, feel the need to occasionally practice ritualistic poisoning of ourselves in order to achieve an altered state.   It’s been said many times, many ways, but Jack London said it this way, “When good fortune comes, they drink.  When they have no fortune they drink to the hope of good fortune.  If fortune be ill, they drink to forget it.  If they meet a friend, they drink.  If they quarrel with a friend and lose him, they drink.  If their love-making be crowded with success, they are so happy they needs must drink [sic].  If they be jilted, they drink for the contrary reason.  And if haven’t anything to do at all, why they drink, secure in the knowledge that when they have taken a significant number of drinks the maggots will start crawling in their brains and they will have their hands full with things to do.  When they are sober they want to drink; and when they have drunk they want to drink more.”  Or, as Homer Simpson put it, “To alcohol!  The cause of, and solution to, all of life’s problems.”[12]
Sure, many people do not drink, and many more are able to drink in moderation, but the compulsion to drink is wide spread enough and deep enough that is an accepted fact that we all must live along side drunkeness.  No laws laid down by man or god has come close to abating our thirst.  I mean, we repelled Prohibition for a reason.  London could never admit he was an alcoholic, merely a “habitual drinker”, but he gave his compulsion for booze a name, John Barleycorn.  The name comes from an English folksong in which the process for making alcohol is personified by a man who his repeatedly murdered by three farmers.  I’ll post a link to the song at BearFlagLibation.blogspot.com.  
London’s John Barleycorn had a personality, a trickster who feigns friendship, capable of both unfiltered wisdom and malevolence.   It compelled him to drink when he knew he shouldn’t, when drunk it urged him toward reckless behavior, duping him into believing he was seeing the world as it really was; harsh, friendless, contemptible in everyway.  One night after tying it on to tight while saloon hopping in Bencia, London feel off his boat into dangerous and cold waters in the Carquinez Strait.  He spent four hours swimming against the powerful currents while coming no closer to the shore, all the while John Barleycorn whispered for him to simply give up, quit life now and know a man’s death, a death to make him a hero in his small world of boozers and wasters.  In those moments the young man was convinced he would never amount to anything, so why bother struggling for a life not worth living.  Eventually, London sobered up as the thrashed in the water and a boat of Greek fisherman rescued him, but such was the power of John Barleycorn on London, of alcohol on all people really, to reach into our darkest recesses, pull out our deepest insecurities, suspicions and fears and present them as the singular, authentic reality.[13]
 If this were the only effect of alcohol, obviously we would have abandoned this demon long ago, but as you well know, its reality altering magic works wonders in the other direction.  A single drink relaxes us, tells us that weight of daily life actually isn’t all that heavy.  The second drink narrows the scale of existence, suddenly everything outside of the bar, the house, the restaurant, fades into the back of our minds, like sound of steady rain against the window that signifies a larger storm, but in here you are safe and warm.  The third drink changes us, you are the source of the warmth, you are a wealth intelligence, strength, cleverness, and you know when you face the storm outside you will do so with impressive deftness, dancing between raindrops.  The forth drink ruins us.  The first three were felt so nice, how could we quit when so far ahead?  It is not always on the forth, but if you are having a forth, you are on the road toward “the turn”, the moment when your smiling face will turn slack and dull, when the smiling faces of people around you begin to look forced, eyes shifting away, seeking escape.  You might become an oblivious and boisterous back slapper, an angry brute or moping maudlin, but no matter what you will be locked into the narrative John Barleycorn constructed for you for the rest of the night.  If you tried to swing open the doors and invite in the storm, you inevitability lost.  And now you have a splitting headache as you try to reconstruct the night and piece together why your underwear is on backward.
As you might guess, my own relationship status with John Barleycorn, would be, “It’s complicated.”  But I believe this would be true of nearly every person I know.  I’ve gone on this extended diatribe in an attempt to work out the maligned standing of bars in our culture, as not just the purveyor legal, addictive substances, but as a constant reminder of our weaknesses as human beings.  I find our peculiar connection with alcohol fascinating and after more time at this project I hope to have historical examples to solidify a theory concerning the role of spirited drinks in our society.  For now I can say, researching the history of bars has proven more difficult than I originally thought because nobody ever bothered to write anything down.
            That said, I’m glad I had to mix up my plan.  I’ll bring you the Swallows Inn episode by mid-December, to talk about the Spanish and Mexican Eras in California, and the move right in to an episode in Sonoma to talk about the Bear Flag Revolt (the event which provide this podcast with it’s snappy, if slightly nonsensical name) and the Mexican-America War.  There is a huge amount of overlap of historical actors in those two episodes.  
As soon as I picked up John Barleycorn, I knew Johnny Heinold and Jack London were the perfect men to go to talk about saloon culture in California at the turn of the twentieth century.  After seeing what taverns were on the East Coast in the 18th century in the first episode, now we are afforded a glimpse of what saloons were in the late 19th century.  London defiantly had an “it’s complicated” relationship with booze.  Pretty much everyone except himself and his wife, Charmian, a classic enabler, would easily spot London as a raging alcoholic.  But his crippling, and ultimately fatal, disease results in our benefit, because while few others thought to record anything about saloon culture in California, London a talented and prolific writer, was a perfect historical witness.  John Barleycorn is a non-fiction memoir and can be trusted as much any other, even accounting for London’s Herculean feats of denial and self-delusion. 
            The book opens with London returning to his ranch on horseback after voting in a 1911 election to amend the California constitution.  He admits, “Because the warmth of they day I had had several drinks before casting my ballot, and divers drinks after casting it.”  The phrase he uses to describe his state is, “pleasantly jingled.”  His wife, Charmain, greets him to ask how he voted on the matter of women’s suffrage and he says he voted for it because women giving women the vote will bring about Prohibition and “drive the nails in the coffin of John Barleycorn.”
            “But I thought you were a friend to John Barleycorn,” she asks.
            This sparks a rant from London, which he admits has comes off sounding like the ramblings of a drunk who believes his mind his working more logically.  He says he has always hated alcohol, but it has given him so much in life, so many opportunities and friends, but this is the lie of alcohol because he knows it is ruining him, but is was always more or less inventible because drinking is just what men need to do to get away from the control of women, and this is why the women must be allowed to vote and take the dastardly alcohol away from future generations.  In the middle of this circular debate with himself, London says, “Not only had it always been accessible, but every interest of my developing life had drawn me to it.  A newsboy on the streets, a sailor, a miner, a wanderer in the far lands, always where men came together to exchange ideas, to laugh and boast and dare, to relax, to forget the dull toil of tiresome nights and days, always they came to together over alcohol.  The saloon was the place of congregation.  Men gathered to as primitive men gathered about the fire of the squatting-place at the mouth of the cave…. As a youth by way of the saloon I had escaped the narrowness of women’s influence into the wide free world of men.  All ways led to the saloon.  The thousand roads of romance and adventure drew together at the saloon, and thence led out and on over the world.”[14]
            This speech is important for three reasons.  First, it shows the division between sexes that historians these days usually refer to as “separate spheres”.  This is far beyond the old fashion chauvinism of saying cleaning and cooking are “women’s work” and paycheck earning labor is “men’s work”.  Between husbands and wives, in families, in the whole of society, men and women kept self-imposed distances from each other.  They rarely socialized in public, even at parties and gathering, men usually kept to one room, women another.  There has always been some segregation of the sexes, but the Victorian era saw this at a peak, with women being held up as the epitome of virtue and all that was right about a good Christian home, but they are so good, with this fragile purity, they must be kept detached, sheltered from the cruel reality in which men must deal with.   A great, physical example of the separate spheres is in that saloons did not have women’s restrooms because what possible reason would a women be in a saloon long enough for a need to use the restroom.  In fact, in many saloons, there was no restroom at all, but a gutter that ran the length of the bar in which men simply urinated into when need arose, without having to stand up.  You can still see an old-timey pee gutter in Merchants Bar in Oakland, only a couple blocks from the First and Last Chance, at the corner of Franklin and 2nd Street.  The bar has replaced recently, but the tiled gutter is still there.  Women were not seen in drinking establishments until the 1920’s.  Aside from the many other factors leading toward greater female equality in that era, drinking in speakeasies already broke the law, contributing to a more lax social vibe.  It turned out men thought drinking with women to be way more fun that having a sausage-fest every night in some dirty, pee stained man-cave.
            The second thing we see in London’s speech is the importance of bars to the men who frequented them.  Most men worked long hours, we know they weren’t going home and spending time with their wives, their lives, in so far as they could choose what to do with their off hours, were spent at the bar.  London describes being fascinated by this as a boy, he writes, “In saloons life was different.  Men talked with great voices, laughed great laughs, and there was an atmosphere of greatness.  Here was something more than common every-day where nothing happened.  Here life was always very live, and sometimes even lurid, when blows were struck, and blood was shed, big policemen came shouldering in.”  He goes onto say for all the awful things he had been told about saloons and what went on there, here where “reporters, editors, lawyers, judges, whose names and faces I knew.  They put the seal of social approval on the saloon.”  While the official position of society, in keeping with those same Victorian values, preached temperance and decrying the evils of alcohol, but here were respectable men of the world, knocking around together, having a jolly old time with a cup in hand.[15]
            On the surface, saloons may seem to have the same egalitarian social function as we saw taverns having in the in the 18th century, but there is a new development.  Most taverns we saw on the east coast serviced people of a particular area; the patronage was based mainly on geography.  California is a state largely settled first by miners and other working class men who came here without families, far from home, working hard, long hours, but with a good amount of coin to show for it.  This led to an abundance of bars.  In the tiny mining town of Rough And Ready, with on 672 people in 1850, there were fourteen saloons.  A man in Nevada City describes the downtown area having “five round tents as large as a circus tent occupied entirely as gambling shops and nine of every ten doors on the street open way to a liquor bar”.  This abundance of saloons seems to have been maintained over the next fifty year, as London describes at least five different bars within just few blocks of the First and Last Chance, and just up the street from there he says, “the east side of Broadway, between Sixth and Seventh, from corner to corner, there was a solid block of saloons.”  This is at least ten different bars over the stretch of a mile, running north-south, and those are just the ones he mentioned.  Even of rural areas, he wrote, “Saloons were always so damnably convenient.  They are everywhere in my western country.” [16]
All these bars lead to choice, frequenting a particular bar means joining a particular community.  After all, Johnny Heinold moved from his bar on San Pablo because he liked the clientele the waterfront provided.  Jack London did not chose to drink with reporters and lawyers, but with oyster pirates, sailors and longshoreman.  We’ve grown used to idea of forming an identity around our personal preferences:  are you a foodie? Do you follow football?  If so, Raider’s or 49ers?  Beatles or Elvis? Sure, you are a fan of Star Trek, but can you name, of the top of your head, the race of people susceptible to the disease known as Bendii Syndrome”?  The correct answers to those questions are no, no, who give a fuck, The Beatles and Vulcans.  I choose not to drink at the bar closest to my house because I’ve never seen anybody go in there who is not wearing a cowboy hat.  I realize that I have boiled personal identity to something pretty insipid just now, but I also just gave you a clearer of idea of who I am.  The type of place you choose to drink at, and who you choose to drink with, not only says something about who you are, but eventually it makes you who you are.  At the beginning of the twentieth century all these choices a person could make was still a relatively novel concept, but going forward the class you were born into would matter less, the job you worked mattered less, and people began to define themselves who how and where they spent their free time.  If bars themselves gave rise to popular culture, the abundance of bars led to the rise of subcultures.
            Which brings us to the last point from London’s speech.  He did not just enjoy the saloon life, he used it almost like a tool, to his great advantage.  He calls saloons, “the poor man’s clubs, they were the only clubs to which I had access.  I could get acquainted in saloons.  I could go into a saloon and talk with any man.  In strange towns and cities I wandered through, the only place for me to go was the saloon.  I was no longer a stranger in any town the moment I entered the saloon.”  He then describes his process of going to multiple saloons first upon arriving anywhere and by the end of the day knowing half town, from the mayor to the lowliest ranch hand, they wave to him on the street and offer him advice on the area.  To an adventurer writer like London, this is both a means of survival and livelihood.  I would argue that London’s greatest talent was not in the way he put word to page, or navigated the wild world with courage and passion, though he certainly excelled at both those, but it was his ability to talk to people, to drink with them, to make them like him and talk and drink more.  He considers himself blessed with what he calls a “gorgeous constitution”, even at an early age he shocked people with his aptitude for putting away drinks and remaining standing, but he also writes about the need to learn how to drink with men to earn their respect.  Proper drinking was more than simply adhering to ritual and lingo, but a skill, one in which Jack London was well practiced at.  Mining gold in the Yukon, or voyaging through the South Pacific, as a war correspondent in Japan or in Mexico, or tramping freight trains in New York, London used saloons to put his ear to the ground and find the story worth writing.  He calls this the “service John Barleycorn renders”.[17]
Had Johnny Heinold not invited the twelve year old boy into the warmth of bar and began his induction to world wide network “poor man’s clubs” there might not have had works like White Fang, Call of the Wild, Sea Wolf, Valley of the Moon and the scores of other books and stories.  Further, London set a template for the likes of Hemingway, Kerouac, and Kesey; he was the first of the rugged, drunken American adventure authors, traveling the world looking some undistilled form freedom, always on the brink of insanity by the sheer beauty and savagery of the human experience, homeless even when given wealth and fame, unmoored, but always drifting back to a barstool and typewriter.
            If it seems like over romanticizing Jack London right now, it’s because I am. Absolutely.   When I had read his books before, spaced out over time, I was able write off certain traits, like his racism and misogyny as merely being a product of his time.  But after spending the last couple weeks in his company while researching this episode it became obvious he had some fairly out-there opinions concerning the heroic role of the Anglo-Saxon race and some deeply embittering mommy-issues.  London spent most of the last years of his life on his ranch in Sonoma, writing books extolling the healing powers of hard work and returning to the frontier lifestyle of the hardy pioneer American stock.  In books like Valley of the Moon and Burning Daylight, he criticized the transformation within California, in which whites crammed themselves into suffocating and violent cities, abandoning the frontier dream to rot, grow over, or worse, be managed foreigners, who may be industrious, but could not comprehend what it truly meant to be American.  He did not seem to recognize the hypocrisy in the fact London did little of the real ranch work himself, instead hiring Chinese, Japanese and Portuguese laborers.  That’s not to say London was not working hard, writing at least a thousand words a day, good health or bad, on the road or at home, but he did so while ever incurring more debt, taking on more servants and building a luxurious mansion on his property, which sadly burned to the ground when only days from completion with not a dime to be redeemed from it.  London admitted that he cared little for the quality of the writing he was furiously producing, saying, “I have no unfinished stories.  Invariably I complete every one I start.  If it’s good, I sign it and send it out.  If it isn’t good, I sign it and send it out.”  I suppose this explains why he wrote dribble like Burning Daylight, I mean the main character’s name is actually Burning Daylight and he’s a thinly veiled version of London who does all the things London can’t.  And then a little while later he writes Valley of the Moon, which, despite its persistent xenophobia, is an epic road book that gives a gorgeous snapshot of California in the early twentieth century.  I was planning to spend time talking about this book, but time just didn’t permit it.  I’m sure I’ll return to it later when discussing other literary figures and the state’s long bohemian artist tradition.[18] 
         
London, 1904.
   Jack London died at forty years old, in 1916, and much of the last decade of his life his body was clearly failing, the inevitable result of a life hard lived, one part working-class swashbuckler, one part partying rockstar.  He always prided himself on the virility and strength, but near the end his teeth were rotting, he hands battered by hard labor and brawls, his knees were shot, his kidneys and liver were no longer able to properly process the body’s waste.  In 1913, he had an operation in which he was prescribed morphine, so then he remained an addict of that, alongside his alcoholism.  He’d go weeks sober then go on manic benders like the time he left the ranch in his car on errands, ended up tearing it up all around Sonoma country, then returned five days later atop of donkey.  Yet through it all he continued to write stories that bleed with hope the day would come he be able to shake off his ailments and be purified by clean country living.[19]
            That day would never come.  The frontier dream of California London lamented for- rural, white, built on the hands of hardworking family farmers, with air so clean it could rejuvenate and redeem all past sins- never really existed.  Like many things that drove Jack London, it was a romantic fantasy.  Industry, corporations, constant growth, urbanization, was always the path California had been on from the moment the Americans took over, a fact I mean to show over coming episodes.  But I admire London’s ability to dream, to live always on the cusp of possibilities, and why not?  He was poor child who had every reason to be conscripted to an unremarkable life of menial work, but instead refused and got aboard a boat, which turned into bigger boats.  He sought to companionship of men he admired and went into a bar, then entered a thousand bars, making friends the world over, and became one of the most admired men of his generation.  From reading about wild adventures, to having wild adventures, to writing wild adventures that will capture the imagination of people for many generations still yet to come.  There will always be an audience of people who still want to believe the free wilderness is out there, in infinite possibilities beyond the horizon, that the cure for this life is to make yourself a new one.

            Thank you for downloading and listening to the Bear Flag Libation.  I promise the next one will be out quicker.  Thank you again to Anthony Lukens of the Donkeys for playing the theme song.  You can listen to Donkey’s music, see tour dates and buy any of their three awesome albums at donkeysongs.com.  I would also like to thank my lovely and patient wife, Dawn, who not only aided in the recording of this podcast, but puts up with my insensate chatter about making this show. 




[1] Jack London, John Barleycorn (New York: Random House, Inc., 2001), 38-46.
[2] Matthew Morse Booker, “Oyster Growers and Oyster Pirates in San Francisco Bay”, Pacific Historical Review Vol. 75, No. 1 (February 2006): 63-88.
[3] George Heinold, John Heinold and His First and Last Chance (Oakland, The International Press, 1936), 9-10; Wearin, Heinold’s, 16.
[4] “No Charm in Royal Lineage”, San Francisco Call, March 9, 1898, Alameda County News section, pg. 10; “Oakland News Items”, San Francisco Call, March 25, 1898, Alameda County News section, pg. 11.
[5] Wearin, Heinold’s, 28-29.
[6] “An Oakland Train Dashes Into an Open Drawbridge with Awful Results”, San Francisco Call, May 31, 1890, pg. 1.
[7] “Slip and Fences: Exciting Times Across the Bay”, San Francisco Call, August 12, 1893, pg. 10; “Davie’s Historic Wharf, San Francisco Call, August 20, 1895, pg. 11; Heinold, John Heinold, 15.
[8] London, Barleycorn, 125-26; Heinold, John Heinold, 10.
[9] Otha Donner Wearin, Heinold’s First and Last Chance (Hastings, Iowa: Wearin, 1974), 17.
[10] Wearin, Heinold’s, 3.
[11] Wearin, Heinold’s, 21.
[12] London, Barleycorn, 62.
[13] London, Barleycorn, 70-73.
[14] London, Barleycorn, 1-7.
[15] London, Barleycorn, 27.
[16] Robert Phelps, “All hands have gone downtown: Urban Places in Gold Rush California” in Rooted in Barbarous Soil: People, Culture, and Community in Gold Rush California, ed. Kevin Starr and Richard J. Orsi (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2000), 126 & 131; London, Barleycorn, 27 & 76.
[17] London, Barleycorn, 74-78.
[18] Kevin Starr, “The Sonoma Finale of Jack London Rancher” in Americans and the California Dream: 1850-1915 (New York: Oxford Univeristy Press, 1973); Pete Hamill, “Jack London and John Barleycorn”, introduction to John Barleycorn (New York: Random House, 2001).
[19] Hamill, “Jack London”, xxv; Starr, “The Sonoma Finale”, 214.

Tuesday, November 12, 2013

pocked universe pending

I apologize for the delay on episode two, but collecting information on the Swallow's Inn has proven more difficult that I anticipated.  Also other responsibilities and life keep getting in the way... stupid unceaseless linear existence always messes things up (the scientists in the Bear Flag Libation Theoretical Physics Department assure me they are making headway in fashioning a device that would allow access to pocket universes outside our time continuum, in which one could slip into to get work done and catch up on episodes of Boardwalk Empire).  So I've switch gears, put the Swallows Inn on the back burner for the time being and should have a new episode ready within two weeks.  I've set the hopeful goal of putting out three episodes by the first of the new year.

As a reward for you patience, here is a great song and disturbing video from Beachwood Sparks from Los Angeles (the video was filmed at the Gundlach Bundschu winery in Sonoma.  I was at this show!).